Publication Date:September 1, 2006 Shipping:Eligible for Super Saver Shipping Availability:Usually ships in 24 hours
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The Hobo PhilosopherAugust 10, 2008 2 out of 2 found this review helpful
I bought this book because Gore Vidal cited William Appleman Williams as America's greatest Historian. This book is too general a read to judge Mr. Williams as an historian. But from what I have read in this book, I wouldn't use Mr. Williams as my final historical source. I realize that this work is not meant to be a history book but more of an essay by an historian. Consequently this work is filled with opinions. Many of these opinions do not line up with most of my readings of other substantial historians. I see why Gore Vidal loved this man. He is also a FDR hater and a Hoover supporter. That alone is pretty strange to me. He makes the case that the U.S. has always sought power in the world but the manner in which he makes his case is so lopsided and gives no acknowledgement of the global situation and attitudes of the time of each event. Howard Zinn wrote a very controversial history book with a radical point of view. He also injected a good deal of opinion. But none of the facts are distorted - the point of view may be considered unconventional - but all his conclusions are reasonable, based on his historical point of view. In this work by Mr. Williams the facts are slanted, and possibly contrived in some instances. I haven't got the time to verify all that I find doubtful in this work. I may read another book by Mr. Williams but I will choose one categorized as history and not essay. He has got to be better than this?
Books written by Richard Noble - The Hobo Philosopher: "Hobo-ing America: A Workingman's Tour of the U.S.A.." "A Summer with Charlie" "A Little Something: Poetry and Prose" "Honor Thy Father and Thy Mother"
comment on commentsApril 28, 2008 2 out of 2 found this review helpful
The two brief reviews of Empire as a Way of Life need brief comment themselves. First, Williams was not a Marxist though he certainly admired the contributions of Karl Marx to our understanding of how the modern world came into being. He was also curious about how it came to pass that Marx fell into intellectual oblivion. Second, Williams meant Empire as a Way of Life to be an essay to be read by the widest possible audience and certainly not one to be read after his much more detailed, complex works on diplomacy. And so it happened: Empire became a book widely read by lower division college students in history, political science, and sociology. We welcome the book in its new edition.
Empire as a Way of LifeNovember 28, 2006 6 out of 9 found this review helpful
Though dead for sixteen years, it is remarkable how much of a visionary William Appleman Williams truly was. He opens this book with a description of how America's political system has transformed our original ideology into an empire that is ever thirsting for new markets and how we've become more or less a slave to our own creation. Since so few people participate in our political system, our system has devolved into empire, though it remains Williams' hope that somehow this will change. This book is his attempt to illustrate how empire has emerged through the machinations of members of each political party who choose to follow the path of empire. This path has led America to be at odds with much of the rest of the world as we attempt to satisfy our need for growth.
Readers should be forwarned that much of Williams' arguments in this book are rehashings of ideas he put forth with much more detail in Contours of American History, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, and The Roots of the Modern American Empire. Empire as a Way of Life should not be a reader's first encounter with Williams. His earlier works illustrate how deep Williams'knowledge of US history truly is. What this book does is develop his earlier arguments into a concise indictment of our society and its need for empire to sustain our growth. Williams points out that this does not need to be the case, but disinterest amongst American voters and the corporate world's ability to manipulate the issues creats the reality in which empire thrives.
According to Williams, most, but not all, presidents give in to demands for empire and in reality do a disservice to the rest of the world and to our own ideology. Those presidents that do not share imperial thinking, such as Herbert Hoover, fall victim to some external force that limits or prevents them from realizing their full potential. But these are the people Williams speaks of most highly. Others, including FDR, JFK, and Henry Kissinger are not treated with kindness. NSC-68 is another source of our current dilemma for it has served as the blueprint for empire for nearly 40 years. Prior to this document, the Monroe Doctrine played a similar role.
This book does have its oddities, though. At the end of some chapters are accounts of US interventions around the world that seem somewhat out of place. They do not receive much attention in the actual chapter and do not really serve much purpose. However, also buried amongst the pages are Williams personal opinions that make this book such a treat to read.
It says much for a book that was written 21 years ago, predates the current neo-conservative movement, yet does so much to show how current events in Iraq are simply the story playing itself out beyond the pages of the actual book. In the introduction, Andrew Bacevich refers to Willaims as "Jeremiah" and given his ability to project the future, it is a moniker well deserved. We should take heed of what he says.
Yanks Doing EmpireJune 29, 2005 11 out of 15 found this review helpful
U.S. foreign policy is as bad as British foreign policy with Bush and Blair skipping around the world hand-in-hand kicking sand in everyone's faces, along with a few bombs, missiles and so forth. How did we come to this?
William Appleman Williams explained it well twenty-five years ago when he wrote this essay. Imperialism has always been our nation's "raison d'etre" despite all the high-sounding libertarian rhetoric to the contrary. In Williams's Marxist view of elite behavior, elites have always sought to enhance their pocketbooks at the expense of everyone around them.
The Revolutionary War was a war to secure their pocketbooks from the mercantilists in England.
The Constitution was a "coup d'etat" over the Articles of Confederation and the libertarian United States of America because the elites (Hamiltonians) who pulled it off wanted wars with North Africa and the Articles prevented the warmongers from starting them.
The War of 1812 was fought on behalf of Yankee elites and their pocketbooks.
The War Between the States was a war for empire. Abraham Lincoln made a "bargain with the 'Devil'"(p 92) to rape the Bill of Rights on behalf of Yankee elites and their pocketbooks.
The Spanish-American War was instigated by the U.S. on behalf of elites and their desire to acquire the Philippines. After the U.S. liberated the Philippines quite quickly, they spent the next three years killing Filipinos in the name of empire.
The British were so impressed with American empire, they sent a fifth column to win us over to join them in the trenches of France for the Great War. Woodrow Wilson obliged them by sending our boys over to the Western Front to "usher in a millenium of democratic progress" (p134).
After the Yanks said never again and their women had voted in Prohibition to curtail their European-acquired bad habits, FDR came along. WW II had broken out, the Brits sent their fifth column again to win the U.S. back, and the Brits appointed Winston Churchill as Prime Minister because he was half Yankee. After FDR allowed Pearl Harbor which made everyone become what would later be termed "9/11 crazy", he committed our troops to war in Europe. It was a war for American-powered British Empire.
Truman, Eisenhower, and even Kennedy continued FDR's imperialism. LBJ, Nixon, and Carter increasingly flexed their muscles so that when the CIA personnel in Tehran were taken hostage by the Iranian freedom fighters, Williams says they are "hostages to the American Empire" (p 207).
Williams's strong point is his assertion that all of the above conflicts happened as a result of deliberate planning by government puppets of our elites. With 300 of today's 500 billionaires residing here in the U.S., Williams's insight is a big help to understanding who is doing what.
The only caveat is Williams's confusion concerning capitalism and free enterprise, which he confuses with economic fascism or corporatism. He doesn't understand that government came first, then the corporations. Too often, he seems to suggest it happened the other way around.
This fast-paced book is too important to be overlooked. If you want to know why our kids are dying in Iraq and Afghanistan today along with British kids, read this book. We have been doing American-powered British Empire since World War II when the reins were handed to us by British elites who partnered with our elites.
If Williams was not misled by Marx's teachings, he would see that government is the problem and can never be the solution. As Robert Nozick explained in "Anarchy, State and Utopia", government is a cudgel that can be wielded against others by whoever seizes hold of it; therefore keep the cudgel small.
